By Joseph E. Lowndes
The position the South has performed in modern conservatism may be the main consequential political phenomenon of the second one 1/2 the 20 th century. The region’s transition from Democratic stronghold to Republican base has usually been seen as a contemporary incidence, one who principally stems from a 1960s-era backlash opposed to left-leaning social hobbies. yet as Joseph Lowndes argues during this publication, this rightward shift was once now not unavoidably a common reaction through alienated whites, yet really the results of the long term improvement of an alliance among Southern segregationists and northerly conservatives, teams who at the start shared little past competition to express New Deal imperatives. Lowndes focuses his narrative at the formative interval among the top of the second one international warfare and the Nixon years. by means of the 1948 Dixiecrat rebel, the presidential campaigns of George Wallace, and well known representations of the sector, he exhibits the various ways that the South replaced in the course of those many years. Lowndes strains how a brand new alliance started to emerge through extra studying the pages of the nationwide assessment and Republican party-building efforts within the South throughout the campaigns of Eisenhower, Goldwater, and Nixon. the original features of yank conservatism have been solid within the crucible of race kinfolk within the South, he argues, and his research of party-building efforts, nationwide associations, and the recommendations of specific political actors offers a willing investigate the ideology of contemporary conservatism and the Republican get together.
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Additional info for From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism
57 Collins did his best to bring old allies along toward racial conservatism, arguing that their cause was one and the same. In June 1951 he wrote to John Temple Graves, I think your “genuine liberal” and my “genuine conservative” will turn out to be the same man. The leftwing political element in this country has taken over the word “liberal” and has squeezed the original meaning out of it. This new liberal is in fact a rank reactionary. He stands in the shoes of the old conservative who used 35 36 “WHITE SUPREMACY IS A POLITICAL DOCTRINE” the power of the federal government to promote his personal ambition.
J. Evetts Haley, a conservative Democrat from Texas, explained it to listeners as liberal contract theory in a radio address while running for governor. “If you look over a menu and order ham and eggs for breakfast, you have made a contract,” he said. “If Brussels sprouts and beans are brought to you instead, you, as a partner in that contract, interpose your objections, and refuse to eat and pay for them. . Interposition, in spite of all the political mumbo-jumbo, is just as . . 70 As long as the states could interpose their authority between local school officials and the federal government, there would be no need for negotiation or compromise—they could simply deny, resist, and therefore ultimately defeat the Brown decision.
Legislators in North Carolina approved a resolution of protest against Brown. Texas voters made interposition (and two other white supremacy proposals) part of the state Democratic Party platform. Arkansas voters approved two interposition measures in that year’s November elections. ” All the interposition resolutions held to the same logic as the original Virginia Resolution of 1798. They endorsed the compact theory of the union and claimed that the Tenth Amendment protected them from any federal control over public schools.
From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism by Joseph E. Lowndes